Ramaphosa’s early political involvement was first shaped by Christian student politics and later Black Consciousness movements. But his trajectory soon intersected with the interests of South Africa’s corporate elite.
It has come to this. The prophecy of betrayal is being fulfilled. What I warned about in 2022 has unfolded before our eyes.
To truly understand how we got here, we must return to the roots of this conspiracy, to the1970s, when the white business elite realised that apartheid, in its most blatant form,was becoming untenable. They did not repent; they merely retooled their strategy. They saw the tide turning against them and realised that the days of overt white supremacy were numbered. But they were not about to relinquish their grip on power.
Under this guise of social upliftment, the Urban Foundation’s real mission was to groom a new cadre of black leaders who could be relied upon to help maintain White privilege and to promote “business-friendly” policies in a future democratic South Africa. In reality, much like the Urban Foundation masked its true agenda with a public facade of urban development, housing, and education in black townships, the US government’s primary concern was that the lack of reform, combined with the white government’s brutal response to the 1976 Uprising, would make Black South Africans more susceptible to Soviet Marxist influence.
Just as the US government conceals its true objectives of regime change through CIA covert operations labelled as efforts to ‘advance and strengthen democracy, human rights, and freedom of speech,’ the Foundation’s real agenda also had to be disguised with a public image of urban development, housing, and education in the black townships.
These early relationships were no coincidence; they were part of a deliberate strategy by white monopoly capital to create and groom a network of influential black leaders who would serve as intermediaries between themselves and an increasingly discontent black majority.Ramaphosa and Mantashe did not emerge from the same revolutionary roots as their predecessors.
NUM itself was a creation to tame and control the mine workers due to the volatile political landscape at the time. The plan succeeded. Over the years, Mantashe and Ramaphosa rose through the ranks of the ANC, steadily consolidating power and influence. Yet, as they ascended, the cracks within the ANC deepened. Factionalism took hold, and the party began to fracture.As Mantashe himself would later boast, there was an “unbroken chain” of former NUM leaders who ascended to the position of ANC Secretary-General. But what he did not say is that this was no accident.
Many comrades saw through the façade, recognising that the leadership had been co-opted, and that their loyalty was no longer to the people but to the purse strings of white monopoly capital.. The massacre was the ultimate expression of how far the ANC had drifted from its roots. When confronted with this, he attempted to cover it up, suggesting ignorance about the source of the money. Meanwhile, Mantashe also denied knowledge of costly upgrades and security installations at his properties, all funded by Bosasa.
This was further confirmed by Helen Zille, the federal executive leader of the DA’s revelation that Ramaphosa had advocated for the coalition between the ANC and DA to be disguised as a Government of National Unity that includes the creation of a proliferation of smaller, but parties that don’t really hold any significant political sway to the South African indigenous majority.
The leadership of Ramaphosa and Mantashe has not consolidated or unified the ANC; it has fragmented it further, leaving it a shadow of its former self. But we cannot simply lament this state of affairs. We must understand that this betrayal is not the end of our struggle, but a call to resistence. The ANC, as it stands, no longer represents the aspirations of the people.
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