Until recently, the Liberals took an oddly benign stance toward Beijing. It now seems possible there was a domestic political imperative.
, Trudeau waved away the suggestion, saying his party is “extremely lucky and happy” to have Dong as an MP, and suggested that raising questions about his loyalty is “false and damaging to confidence in our democratic institutions.” He didn’t quite play the racism card, but he came close.Article content
On Monday, he said a report prepared by former top bureaucrat, Morris Rosenberg, based on the work done by the foreign interference panel of senior public servants, is with the national security and intelligence committee of parliamentarians. “I am hoping they will launch a study on how we can best protect our democracy in the coming months,” he said.
But Trudeau’s conviction was more personal. His father opened diplomatic relations with China in 1970 and then took his sons to Beijing in 1990, not long after the Tiananmen Square massacre. Trudeau junior’s professed admiration for China’s “basic dictatorship” was not just a slip of the tongue.Article content
Until recently, the Liberal government has adopted an oddly benign stance toward Beijing, long after the true nature of the communist regime had become apparent. It now seems highly possible that there was a domestic political imperative. In mid-September of that year, it noted that Canadian WeChat social media accounts were full of anti-Conservative articles. Popular Chinese Canadian news accounts and the Chinese version of TikTok popularized the view that the Conservative party “almost wants to break off diplomatic relations with China.” Kenny Chiu, the Conservative candidate in a Vancouver-area riding, was targeted in particular. Chiu had proposed a private member’s bill to establish a foreign influence registry.
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