The worst example of this is the movement to get Israeli army reservists to refuse to show up for active duty
Enacting changes such as limiting the court’s power of judicial review will not make Israel any more of a “dictatorship” than it was prior to when it gained that ability in 1992. And it certainly wasn’t a dictatorship back then.Article content
The real risk is that if the judiciary doesn’t have the power to act as a check on the government, there will be little to stop a stable coalition from implementing whatever agenda it pleases. This is what keeps Netanyahu’s opponents up at night — and not without merit. Even though most judges aren’t democratically elected, they serve an important function in a democracy through their ability to act as a check on democratic excesses. Democracy is far preferable in practice to other forms of government, but offers no guarantee that the state will uphold the rights of all its citizens. History is replete with examples of democratic majorities violating the rights of minority populations.
The Israeli Supreme Court has historically played an important role in defending the rights of Arab-Israelis, women, non-Orthodox Jews and gay people. And Israelis are right to be skeptical of the coalition’s motivations, given that it is made up of numerous ultra-nationalist and ultra-Orthodox parties — which are not exactly known for their liberalism or tolerance.Article content
Despite having justifiable concerns about what the coalition government will do with its newfound powers should they become law, however, there is little to justify the tactics being used by opposition politicians, who are inflaming the mob with unfounded notions of the country sliding into a fascist dictatorship, pitting Jew against Jew, and actively undermining Israel’s national security.
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