In 2004 and 2008, the Democratic candidates cared so much about Iowa that they practically lived there. But this year, the first-in-the-nation caucus state matters less than ever.
tracks candidate activity in California by appearances rather than days because, he says, “It's become increasingly rare for a candidate to spend an entire day in the state” as “candidates often come to California for a few hours before going to another state like Nevada or Iowa.”)
Perhaps the first state in the presidential nominating process should look more like America. But Hinojosa’s critique ignores the impact of the DNC’s new polling criteria to earn a spot on the debate stage. Candidates do not necessarily have to perform well in Iowa and New Hampshire. A modicum of support in South Carolina, which has a majority-black Democratic electorate, or in Nevada, which has a significant Latino population, scores you an invite.
Yes, Steyer has the advantage of being enormously wealthy, so he can flood the early states with ads. But that doesn’t change the fact that Nevada and South Carolina had as much say in who got on the debate stage as Iowa and New Hampshire did. If a candidate tried and failed after nearly a year of campaigning to notch at least 4 percent support in those racially diverse states, that’s not the fault of Iowa, or money, or white voters, or nonwhite voters. The failure is owned by the candidate.
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